Refugees in Hungary have been caged, starved and denied legal representation. Civic organizations that have tried to help them have been harassed and censored. And courts meant to protect the rights of these people are under immense pressure to do the bidding of the country’s increasingly authoritarian government.
In a sweeping new report on the Hungarian government’s treatment of migrants over the past eight years, Europe’s leading human rights agency, the Council of Europe, detailed a pattern of abuses that “have a negative effect on the whole protection system and the rule of law.”
“They must be addressed as a matter of urgency,” the council’s commissioner for human rights, Dunja Mijatovic, wrote in the 37-page report.
It is the latest in a series of examinations documenting the systemic abuse of human rights and the threat to the rule of law in Hungary under Viktor Orban, the right-wing nationalist prime minister. But with public media and most of the country’s private news outlets controlled by Mr. Orban’s allies, it is highly likely that the report, like similar ones before it, will be interpreted in Hungary as an attack on the nation’s sovereignty.
As much as anything else, the report from the Council of Europe, which represents 47 member nations, offered a reminder of how Hungary has been able to erode civil liberties and democratic institutions with virtual impunity, despite years of warnings and condemnation.
It cites reports by the Venice Commission decrying the threat to judicial independence. It highlights continuing court cases against Hungary in the European Court of Justice and the European Court of Human Rights. It notes reports from the United Nations critical of Hungary’s record on human rights.
And it reminds readers that the European Union has initiated a procedure that could, in theory, strip Hungary of its voting rights in the bloc. That is unlikely to happen, because it would require unanimous approval of the member nations.
Despite widespread condemnation and threats of legal action, Mr. Orban has continued to amass ever-greater control over the country, creating a state within the European Union where dissent is suppressed and some of the forms of a civil society are observed, but not its substance.
The Hungarian government was dismissive of Ms. Mijatovic’s findings, issuing an 18-page rebuttal denying the most serious charges, including reports that it was starving refugees being held in detention in “transit zones” along its border with Serbia.
“The claim that the Hungarian authorities would have any obligation to provide catering after the final closure of the asylum procedure is not substantiated,” the government maintained. “Food can be bought in the transit zone at any time, the conditions for self-care are met, and the state must not be expected to provide additional care from the state budget.”
It is the same reasoning the government has given since the issue of withholding food was documented last year by two leading human rights groups, the Hungarian Helsinki Committee, based in Budapest, and Human Rights Watch.
“Nobody but the Hungarian government — no lawyer, court or human rights body — has found that people who are held behind barbed wire, guarded by police officers and surveilled by cameras 24/7 are not being deprived of their liberty,” said Marta Pardavi, the co-chair of the Hungarian Helsinki Committee, based in Budapest.
Critics say that the Hungarian government, unable to simply deport those who have been denied asylum — in many cases without meaningful assessment of their claims — instead tries to force them out of the country by making conditions intolerable for them.
“The government has stooped to a new inhumane low by refusing food to people in their custody, apparently reveling in breaching human rights law, including its obligations as a European Union member,” Lydia Gall, a researcher at Human Rights Watch, said in a report last year. “This disregard for people’s well-being smacks of a cynical move to force people to give up their asylum claims and leave Hungary.”
The report by the Council of Europe’s human rights commissioner is not legally binding and her office does not have a mandate to impose — or even propose — any penalties.
However, the commissioner’s reports are used by the council’s other institutions, like the European Court of Human Rights Court, whose judgments are binding. In some cases, the European Union and national courts have also based their assessments and decisions on reports released by the commissioner.
Ms. Mijatovic visited Hungary in early February and spent four days meeting with both government officials and activists, also examining issues of judicial independence.
In one such case, the report explains a dispute between Tunde Hando, the chief administrator of Hungary’s judiciary, and the National Judicial Council, a democratically elected council of judges that supervises Ms. Hando’s office.
Ms. Hando, the wife of a prominent governing party lawmaker and a longtime friend of the Orban family, was appointed to run Hungary’s judiciary by Mr. Orban’s party after the court system was overhauled in 2011. Since then, the way in which Ms. Hando has used the office has raised concern at home and abroad about threats to judicial independence.
After Ms. Mijatovic’s visit, the National Judicial Council issued a formal request to Parliament calling for the dismissal of Ms. Hando, arguing that she is unfit to serve.
Adding to the anxiety over the Hungarian judiciary is a government plan to create a parallel court system, which will be supervised by the country’s justice minister, for the purpose of presiding over cases involving the public administration.
In addition to the human rights abuses against asylum seekers and concerns about the rule of law, the intimidation and smear campaigns against members of civil society and the threat to the judicial system, she found that Hungary was also “backsliding on gender equality.”
“The political representation of women is strikingly low and women’s issues are closely associated with family affairs in government policy,” she wrote.
Facing an extreme lack of workers, the government is encouraging women to participate in the labor market. But its main policy regarding women has to do with paying them to have more children.
“This carries the risk of reinforcing gender stereotypes and instrumentalizing women,” the commissioner wrote.B:
2016年彩图100全年【秦】【雅】【芙】【吃】【力】【地】【扶】【林】【子】【航】【上】【了】【楼】，【累】【得】【靠】【在】【墙】【上】，【不】【由】【得】【忆】【起】【往】【事】，【再】【看】【看】【粘】【在】【自】【己】【身】【上】【的】【人】，【不】【得】【不】【甩】【了】【甩】【头】，【打】【量】【了】【下】【并】【没】【有】【换】【新】【的】【老】【式】【房】‘【门】’，【询】【问】【林】【子】【航】【钥】【匙】【在】【哪】【里】。 【林】【子】【航】【看】【起】【来】【醉】【得】【不】【轻】，【含】‘【混】’【着】【答】【不】【出】【来】。 【秦】【雅】【芙】【无】【奈】，【只】【得】【从】【自】【己】【包】【里】【翻】【出】【一】【把】【钥】【匙】，【试】【着】‘【插】’【进】【锁】【孔】，【轻】【轻】【转】【动】，【居】
“【记】【得】【回】【来】【别】【太】【晚】【啊】。”【他】【握】【着】【筷】【子】【扶】【着】【门】【框】【对】【我】【说】【道】。 【我】【回】【头】【看】【了】【刘】【小】【风】【一】【眼】。【他】【脸】【庞】【消】【瘦】【而】【苍】【白】，【上】【面】【写】【满】【了】【疲】【惫】，【不】【过】【眼】【睛】【还】【很】【明】【亮】。【看】【样】【子】【施】【法】【过】【后】【他】【没】【有】【受】【到】【更】【多】【的】【反】【噬】，【这】【疯】【子】【心】【还】【真】【大】。 【在】【这】【之】【后】【的】【一】【段】【日】【子】【里】，【我】【开】【始】【不】【分】【日】【夜】【在】【城】【中】【逐】【片】【逐】【片】【地】【寻】【找】【罪】【灵】，【亦】【或】【者】【说】【是】【寻】【找】【那】【个】【人】，【可】【是】【一】
【有】【些】【人】，【在】【面】【对】【第】【七】【重】【天】【时】，【很】【容】【易】【度】【过】【此】【劫】，【而】【有】【些】【人】，【或】【许】【耗】【尽】【一】【生】，【都】【走】【不】【出】【那】【道】【门】【槛】。 【经】【过】【一】【番】【厮】【杀】，【玄】【月】【背】【着】【苧】【茜】【杀】【出】【了】【重】【围】，【只】【是】【身】【后】【还】【是】【有】【一】【批】【人】【穷】【追】【不】【舍】。 【对】【于】【玄】【月】【来】【说】，【他】【已】【经】【手】【下】【留】【情】【了】，【便】【没】【有】【伤】【到】【五】【位】【天】【罡】【星】【君】，【只】【是】【杀】【了】【一】【些】【天】【兵】【以】【及】【天】【罡】【兵】。 “【怎】【么】【办】，【他】【们】【还】【是】【穷】【追】【不】【舍】
“【不】【行】，【我】【不】【能】【走】，【不】【然】【大】【掌】【柜】【你】【带】【着】**【先】【离】【开】，【我】【有】【飙】【风】【之】【疾】【和】【不】【动】【如】【山】，【我】【能】【挨】【住】【很】【长】【时】【间】，【你】【带】【他】【离】【开】【之】【后】【去】【拉】【来】【援】【兵】，【我】【应】【该】【能】【撑】【到】【那】【个】【时】【候】。”【李】【寻】【连】【斩】【杀】【了】【正】【在】【攻】【来】【的】【几】【个】【蛮】【族】【精】【锐】【战】【士】，【抽】【空】【说】【道】。 “【放】【屁】，【你】【不】【走】，【我】【怎】【么】【可】【能】【走】！”**【闻】【言】【怒】【骂】，【他】【都】【杀】【红】【了】【眼】【了】，【为】【的】【不】【就】【是】【不】【离】【不】【弃】【并】2016年彩图100全年【此】【时】【华】【夏】【的】【高】【阶】【武】【者】，【全】【部】【身】【体】【都】【悬】【浮】【在】【了】【这】【边】。 【面】【对】【着】【这】‘【毁】【灭】【者】’【根】【本】【没】【有】【无】【计】【可】【施】。 “【决】【定】【了】【吗】？” 【左】【丘】【鉴】【身】【体】【悬】【浮】【在】【了】【林】【洛】【的】【身】【侧】。 “【嗯】。” 【林】【洛】【微】【微】【点】【了】【点】【头】。 【喵】—— 【这】【时】【候】【小】【黑】【蹭】【了】【蹭】【林】【洛】【的】【脖】【子】，【挂】【在】【林】【洛】【的】【身】【体】【上】。 【它】【似】【乎】【也】【感】【觉】【到】【了】【什】【么】。 “【给】。” 【在】
【其】【实】【这】【几】【天】【他】【也】【没】【有】【看】【到】【苏】【大】【娘】【和】【娟】【子】【他】【们】。 【村】【里】【风】【言】【风】【语】【的】【也】【很】【多】，【他】【也】【听】【到】【了】，【虽】【然】【没】【放】【在】【心】【上】，【不】【过】，【却】【也】【知】【道】【夜】【长】【梦】【多】。 【沈】【青】【山】【按】【照】【父】【亲】【的】【吩】【咐】【将】【排】【骨】【和】【五】【花】【肉】【分】【成】【了】【八】【份】。 【这】【力】【气】【大】【就】【是】【有】【好】【处】，【真】【是】【分】【的】【整】【整】【齐】【齐】，【一】【刀】【下】【去】【连】【皮】【带】【骨】【头】，【利】【利】【索】【索】【的】，【连】【个】【肉】【筋】【都】【不】【连】。 【一】【家】【差】【不】【多】【十】
【巨】【大】【的】【冲】【击】【力】【让】【闫】【殷】【肉】【身】【瞬】【间】【崩】【溃】，【蚀】【骨】【阴】【水】【更】【像】【是】【附】【骨】【之】【蛆】，【附】【着】【在】【他】【的】【元】【婴】【之】【上】，【任】【他】【如】【何】【驱】【散】【也】【毫】【无】【作】【用】。 “【这】【是】【什】【么】【水】，【这】【么】【厉】【害】！” 【闫】【殷】【痛】【苦】【的】【嘶】【吼】，【他】【的】【肉】【身】【已】【经】【化】【作】【一】【摊】【液】【体】，【元】【婴】【被】【蚀】【骨】【阴】【水】【包】【围】，【发】【出】【嘶】【嘶】【的】【腐】【蚀】【声】。 【阎】【阴】【使】【劲】【挣】【扎】，【他】【明】【白】，【一】【旦】【他】【有】【所】【懈】【怠】，【这】【蚀】【骨】【阴】【水】【就】【会】【让】【他】